30 Jun 2018
a version of this originally appeared on tokendaily.co, I still need to verify all edits match.
Give a Man a Bitcoin, and You Feed Him for a Day. Teach a Man To Mine Bitcoin, and You
Feed Him for a Lifetime. – Ancient Proverb
Don’t snooze – many cryptocurrency projects are giving away coins for free – act
fast and you can get some too!
Whatever they call it: an airdrop, a share, a gift, a giveaway, etc, the idea is
the same, noble intentions of correcting long-standing social iniquities by
“giving money away” (in the form of cryptocurrency) to disenfranchised
groups. The disenfranchised group varies project-to-project; sometimes it is F/LOSS developers,
sometimes all internet users, low-income individuals, etc.
There’s a catch that subverts this good intention – even ignoring difficult
issues around identification of real users – it’s really hard to effectively
correct these iniquities by giving away cash.
Plans that simply give out assets are misguided, because they conflate money
with a different, though related, concept: wealth.
There are many ways to define these terms, but in this article I’ll define
wealth as an individual’s ability to instigate changes that improve their
current situation in some capacity. For example, I am wealthy if I know how to
fix my own car when it breaks down. There are also harder to quantify forms of
this wealth which only exist relative to a group such as leadership ability.
On the other hand, for this article, I’ll define money as a tool for convincing
others of an individual’s wealth when they want something. For example, I could
get a mechanic to fix my car in exchange a service or good of equal value –
perhaps I can give the mechanic some advice on her ICO pitch deck – but in many
cases it’s difficult to find something the other party wants, values equally,
knows I have, or that I am able to offer currently. Instead, I give the
mechanic a fixed amount of money, which is an easier to agree on means of
exchange, unit of account, and store of value.
In another sense, money is a symptom of wealth. Where there is smoke, there is
fire. Where there is money, there should be wealth. If one has a valuable skill,
such as knowing how to rebuild an engine, one can use it to acquire money. While
having money might be a good indicator that one possesses some valuable skill,
you can easily imagine situations where this would be a false indicator – like
lottery winners.
Giving money to a person lacking financial responsibility is unlikely to
increase their wealth; like trying to use a cloud of smoke to start a fire.
Lottery winners exemplify the challenge of converting ‘unearned’ money into
wealth, about a third or more quickly go bankrupt despite their winnings.
Intuitively, if you wouldn’t invest in a slot jockey with your money before they
hit the jackpot, what makes you think they’d do any better with their winnings?
Giving people wealth is more effective than giving them money. But is giving away
wealth possible? And just how effective can giving away money truly be?
Let’s set those questions aside for a moment, we’ll revisit them later.
For now, we’ll construct a toy model for discussing giveaways. As with any
model, this toy model is overly simplified for many reasons – I’ll do my best
to clarify which things are simplified. The main purpose in presenting a toy
model is to establish a common framework for how to think about giveaways.
Suppose we can represent everyone in the world’s assets as a vector \(v_a\)
and their wealth as a vector \(v_w\). Assets are tangible things usable for
transactions or ownership, and wealth is a measure of an individuals quality.
For instance, a debit card uses assets and a credit card uses wealth.
We can model assets as a proxy for wealth, and model the efficiency of the proxy
with a cost function such as Euclidean distance between the normalized vectors.
We normalize the vectors to account for unit bias, if everyone had $100 or $1M,
it wouldn’t matter.
\[C_P(v_a, v_w) = \sqrt{(\hat{v}_m - \hat{v}_w)^2}\]
In reality, Euclidean distance may be a really poor choice of cost function –
perhaps a better choice is cosine similarity, perhaps there is a regularization
parameter that says cost should be higher if the distribution doesn’t fall
along a power law, perhaps Gini coefficient should be included, etc. But we
will get a lot of mileage out of using a simple cost function for discussing the
general shape of the problem.
I posit you can only meaningfully give people assets insofar as the giveaway
works to minimize the cost function subject to a regularization parameter (otherwise our
giveaway might be too radical, which could destabilize the economy). For
example, the following formula is one possible giveaway cost function:
\[C_G(v_a, v_w, \Delta v_a) = C_P(v_a + \Delta v_a, v_w
) - C_P(v_a, v_w) + \eta \cdot || \Delta v_a||\]
In plain English, you want the smallest giveaway for the largest correction in
wealth/assets disparity. If \(C_G(v_a, v_w, \Delta v_a) > 0\), then you
destabilize the monetary supply.
Again, this cost function is only offered as an example. We may also care
about other regularizations against different types of giveaways – for
instance, we might want to penalize giveaways that are ‘unfair’ with high
variance between amounts – but we can use this model a starting point to look
at a few examples.
If you want to follow along, the model is in python below:
def norm(v):
w = sqrt(sum(map(lambda x: x**2, v)))
if w == 0: return v
return [x/w for x in v]
def cp(m, w):
return sqrt(sum(map(lambda (a,b): (a-b)**2, zip(norm(m), norm(w)))))
def cg(m,w,dm, eta=0.01):
return cp([a+b for (a,b) in zip(m, dm)], w) - cp(m, w) + eta*sqrt(sum(x**2 for x in dm))
To work a quick, concrete example of correcting inequalities:
Suppose Alice has $10 and Bob has $20, but
Alice is “worth” $10 and Bob is “worth” $12. I.e., \(v_a = [10, 20], v_w = [10,
12]\). To correct for the inequality, we either want Alice to have more money
or Bob to have less. How bad is the current inequality? The cost function tells
us \(C_P([10, 20], [10, 12]) \approx 0.23\).
Suppose \(\eta = 0.01\).
Let’s examine four plausible giveaways
What if we give everyone a small amount?
\(\Delta v_a = [1, 1] \to C_G \approx -0.0046\)
Negative cost! It works! By increasing Alice’s and Bob’s assets, we made the
overall efficiency of the monetary supply better.
What if we give everyone a lot!
\[\Delta v_a = [10, 10] \to C_G \approx 0.018\]
Too much! Our money is less efficient.
What if we tax Bob a little and give to Alice?
\[\Delta v_a = [1, -1] \to C_G \approx -0.047\]
What if we tax Bob a lot and give the tax to Alice?
\[\Delta v_a = [6, -6] \to C_G \approx 0.011\]
What if we just destroy some of Bob’s assets?
\[\Delta v_a = [0, -11] \to C_G \approx 0.023\]
Let’s look at these examples as graphs. In the below graphs of giveaways, the blue
areas are efficient, the red is inefficient, and the white areas are neutral.
On the X axis is the amount Alice is to receive, on the Y axis Bob. Mind the scales on the right.
Nice – there is a large blue region where we can improve the inequality! This
region is roughly a line segment from \((-10, -20)\) to \((18, 12)\).
In reality, in this model we might want to pick \(\eta\) such that the
regularization amount is 1 if the size of the giveaway is the same as the
monetary supply:
\[\eta = \frac{1}{||v_a||} = \frac{1}{\sqrt{10^2 + 20^2}} \approx 0.045\]
Now, the blue region is much smaller, and the maximum magnitude of the benefit
is several orders of magnitude smaller. The giveaway doesn’t work that well!
Finding cost-reducing giveaways may be impossible in many circumstances (e.g.,
with a slightly greater \(\eta\)). This is always the case if the
cost-function \(C_G\) is positive semi-definite with respect to the initial
condition.
It bears repeating: this model is heavily simplified. In a real scenario, the
regularization is much likely much larger.
Major wealth transfers often involve war,
death, and destruction. Intuitively, if I stand to lose $M dollars, I am willing
to spend $M dollars to prevent that loss (even if the total loss may be larger
– see war of attrition)
We also can’t simply find the blue-zones easily – ultimately, we don’t know how
wealthy everyone is exactly and there are billions of people, not just two.
Wealth is not a fixed quantity. Just giving someone assets doesn’t make them
wealthier, nor does taking away some of their assets in the short term. In the
long term, however, people’s wealth drifts and moves.
There’s been a lot of research that’s been done on the efficacy various forms of
giveaway. Here’s a run down on 4 cases:
Example 1: Finland gave away 560 euros/month to 2,000 randomly selected
unemployed Finns for two years. Finland didn’t find an increase in employment,
but did find increased happiness. When the recipients base was slated to
increase, unsavory side effects such as increased nationalism manifested.
Example 2: GiveDirectly gives unconditional cash transfers to impoverished areas
in East Africa. GiveDirectly claims to have seen a large improvement in the
earnings of those who received unconditional cash transfers several years after
the transfer.
Example 3: The EU Africa Emergency trust, which is referenced in the
Economist, set up gifts to give to residents of countries which were below a
certain poverty threshold if the government would share key reports and data.
The program faced budgetary issues.
Example 4: GiveCrypto is a brand new initiative
which gives crypto wallets with coins (unclear which ones) to those in need.
This is substantial because cryptocurrency also helps fill in with banking
infrastructure, unlike previous programs like GiveDirectly which relied on
existing analog systems.
A problem shared across these studies broadly is that they are not large enough.
The amounts of money dispersed is significantly smaller than the magnitude of
inequality between the sponsors and the recipients. Performing such socioeconomic
experiments at scale may self destruct an economy and society unwilling to bear
the cost of a non-experiment sized giveaway. Increasing nationalism, as seen in
Finland, could be a precursor for increased violence or decreased long term
global development.
A second issue is that these programs are targeted at increasing wealth, not
decreasing inequality. As is often said, a rising tide raises all boats. If the
global economy improves as a result of assisting impoverished individuals, the
benefit is not clearly greater for the receiver than the giver. For instance,
the giver may benefit greatly from having new agricultural trade, sources of
cheap educated labor, advanced manufacturing capability, or from increasing
peace in troubled regions defraying the risk of costly wars.
A third concern is that such programs create subversive reliance. For instance,
in Gambia, when politicians wanted to stop passing on surveillance data to the
EU, which would end the payments, mass protests erupted. The Gambian citizens
were put into a precarious relationship with the EU, whereby the EU had the
power to influence their politics and conduct – perhaps against their longer
term interests. This emphasizes the importance of unconditionality, as
promulgated by GiveDirectly. Unfortunately, the discretion to continue or not
continue a giveaway itself constitutes a conditionality. It’s best to structure
programs so as to minimize the chance of dependence or economic reliance for
the independence and freedom of the recipients.
Let’s look examine some strategies in light of the real world research and our
model.
Give Small Amounts, Frequently
Giving away a large amount should be mostly infeasible because of
regularization. However, by giving away small amounts repeatedly, we have an
opportunity to re-examine the money to wealth ratios for each individual, and we
also give the money distributed a chance to impact wealth. This is reminiscent
of gradient descent as used in Machine Learning.
The down side is that if the distributions are too small then the economy can
sufficiently absorb and dissipate the extra money without benefiting anyone, and
if they are too frequent then it may not be different than a single larger
giveaway, causing chaos.
Target Specific Groups with Bad Wealth : Assets Ratios
One way to improve the odds of our distribution working is by finding
small communities with bad money to wealth ratios and focusing on them
exclusively. This is essentially the GiveDirectly model for working in East
Africa.
However, we must be careful. Because of the normalization of the assets vector,
giving money to one person fundamentally takes money from everyone else.
Shown below, 90 people with 10 wealth and 10 assets each, and 10 people with 10
wealth and 1 assets each. We give all 10 asset-poor people X assets each. Y is
\(\eta\), the learning rate.
This shows us that there is a range of reasonable giveaways, so long as we
discount giving money heavily (above \(\eta \approx 0.01 \) everyone is made
worse off giving away any money).
It’s also critical to ensure that this is somewhat Pareto Efficient – if
increasing the wealth of one group puts them on par or above another, that other
group may suffer. For instance, if supporting a poor community results in a
flood of agricultural products, existing farmers quality of life may be made
worse.
Self Determination & Currency Competition
One way to improve the efficiency of the money supply is to allow people to
issue currencies at will for whatever group wants to.
The price discovery process for this currency on the open market serves as a
feedback loop for if that distribution formed a good giveaway or not and the
integrity of those who operate and hold the new currency.
Internally to the group self-determining, the new currency should be viewed as
more efficient among the group itself.
In a parallel world, instead of GiveCrypto, there’s GiveLiquidity which buys and
sells cryptocurrencies issued by communities to help them bootstrap
internationally. This would help avoid colonialist
influence because communities would have more autonomy over the new money supply
they are adopting.
Increase Wealth Directly
This is a bit of a trick. Recall, our cost functions from our toy model are
about optimizing our money supply – not our overall outcome.
Individual wealth can increase directly without a gift of assets. For instance,
sponsoring educational programs is a way to increase the wealth of society –
this is commonly done through subsidized school programs. There’s evidence that
shows that unconditional cash transfers increase attendance at schools more
than conditional transfers, but improving the quality of education available
could provide an even larger boost.
Another take on this is to remove “wealth-conversion depressants”. An example of
this is hair stylist licenses, they ultimately serve as a barrier for entry
based on assets available (not based on skill).
Counteracting Another “Giveaway”
If other contemporaneous events emulate a giveaway that redistributes assets in
such a manner that there is a substantial worsening of wealth to assets ratio, a
concurrent giveaway could counteract this. Two examples of this are giving
resources to educated refugees and asylum seekers who left behind their property
and assets (the conflict is reassigning their assets via violence) as is being
done in Turkey and proposals to use Bitcoin in Venezuela to counteract
the instability of the Bolivar.
In writing this article, my hope was not to convince you that you can’t make
people’s lives better – au contraire! Working to improve the human condition is
something that each and every one of us should do every day, and I laud those
trying, even if I disagree with their tactics.
I do hope that you are left understanding how difficult it is to give away money
with good effect. Fully fixing the inequality would cause massive upheaval and
disorder, increasing the fairness but decreasing the wealth. Peer reviewed
experiments with promising results are unlikely to scale because they don’t run
up against this societal regularization. They also, at scale, may cause an
untold loss of liberty as more income is unearned and dependent on the
discretion of the ruling class.
I’ll leave you with this: In setting up the dichotomy between wealth and assets,
I’ve completely side-stepped the much more interesting question: wealth
inequality. Is it an issue if someone else is, by natural virtue, exponentially
better off than me? Should that inequality be rectified? Can it be? When a new
disease breaks out, the immunologist’s value to society increases, maybe that’s
how it should be. Maybe we could all attain equal wealth at the cost of our
individuality. Or perhaps we could all be equal, but none great. Maybe our best bet
is for each of us to ask, are we better off than we were before; and what can
we do for those of among us who are not as fortunate?
ATTN: Scaling Bitcoin Participants and Sponsors
27 Sep 2017
We started Scaling Bitcoin with a deep commitment to diversity and inclusion.
Fundamentally, Scaling Bitcoin is about bringing together elements of the
Bitcoin community that would not otherwise – many of the core contributors met
face to face for the first time in Montreal. Meeting face to face was a
fantastic opportunity to bridge divides and seek common goals; at Scaling
Bitcoin spontaneous discussions broke out which would have never occurred
online. Diversity and inclusion are key elements in pulling together different
parts of our community to have the discussions fruitfully. Fundamentally
Scaling Bitcoin exists to work towards eliminating any barrier to entry for any
person to contribute to Bitcoin’s scientific and engineering ecosystem.
Diversity and inclusion are complicated multi-faceted topics – at Scaling
Bitcoin, we do our best to address them from all sides. Our conference aspires
to be in a different region every time, from our first event in Montreal, to
Hong Kong, to Milan, and now, to Silicon Valley. Our participants and sponsors
come from all over the world (18 countries at the last event!), speak many
different languages, and have vastly different perspectives on how we’ll
accomplish our shared goal of Scaling Bitcoin.
We help people attend Scaling Bitcoin who would not be able to otherwise as a
part of our diversity and inclusion efforts. This help comes in multiple forms,
including discounted tickets for students, as well as travel and accommodation
assistance for those who require it. Our chief concern is getting the
individuals most likely to contribute to Bitcoin’s scientific and engineering
ecosystem to the conference. We also try to help those who face additional
difficulties to better integrate into the community. In past Scaling Bitcoins,
this has included efforts and special programming through our academic
supporting organizations to better socially integrate low-income, minority, and
female participants at Scaling Bitcoin. For example, at Milan one of our
Academic partners (The MIT DCI) hosted a special dinner for the students from
their summer bootcamp (you can read about it
here)
to get to interact with some core developers in a smaller group setting.
Bitcoin developers and scientists don’t just materialize overnight, it requires
diligent study and effort. This is an intimidating prospect for almost anyone,
and many capable developers drop out for lack of good support. Initiatives like
Chaincode’s Hacker
Residency and
DGLAB’s BC2 workshop have been
wildly successful in nurturing talented Bitcoin Core Developers. Scaling
Bitcoin is simply doing our part to onboard more talent. Explicitly seeking to
onboard talent from diverse backgrounds is a critical for engineering Bitcoin
to be an empowering technology to meet the needs of users all over the world.
The last several decades of research on the subject shows that seeking out
social diversity leads to better decision-making across the board (read about
the research
here).
This year, as a part of our efforts to improve Scaling Bitcoin by better
structuring our Planning Committee we created a Diversity & Inclusion
Committee. This committee is comprised of individuals who were excited to help
us to continue our efforts around diversity and inclusion. One of the main
tasks for this committee is to help us review and process subsidy requests,
which are awarded based on many factors, including, likelihood of contributing
to Bitcoin’s scientific and engineering ecosystem, demonstrated need, and total
cost (we have a limited budget, after all). Despite now having an explicit
committee for diversity and inclusion, it continues to be the job of every
volunteer in Scaling Bitcoin to work towards eliminating any barrier to entry
for any person to contribute to Bitcoin’s scientific and engineering ecosystem.
Different people experience different barriers to entry to a field like
Bitcoin, thus, the kinds of support programs we offer are not always available
to everyone (we can’t afford to give everyone student ticket pricing!). The
Diversity & Inclusion Committee is there to ensure that our efforts are fair
and sufficient.
Technology conferences like Scaling Bitcoin present a remarkable opportunity
for building community. In light of recent reports of incidents of harassment
and exclusionary practices at tech conferences, we’ve take a progressive stance
on making sure that Scaling Bitcoin remains a respectful and safe space for all
of our participants to build that community. Incidents of harassment and
exclusionary practices negatively impact people of all genders, races, and
backgrounds, as well as the conferences and their communities. We take such
issues seriously and have required all participants to follow our Code of
Conduct since the first Scaling Bitcoin event in 2015.
Part of what makes Scaling Bitcoin such a remarkable gathering is the intense
level of focus on the technology during the event. Our CoC exists to minimize
the possibility of distractions and to maximize the learning, shared
understanding and technical advancement of one of the most important
engineering projects of our time. We hope that our attendees recognize and
support that objective, and the organizing committee will as well.
Additionally, the Program Committee, which handles talk selection, operates
with complete autonomy from the rest of the Scaling Bitcoin organization,
including the Diversity & Inclusion Committee. No one is excluded from the
conference as a result of our diversity and inclusion efforts. The main goal of
the Program Committee is to unbiasedly select talks with the highest potential
impact on Bitcoin. The majority of tickets are sold openly to the public. We
welcome any suggestions and ideas from the Bitcoin community as to how our
efforts can be more effective and we will continue to do our best to make
Bitcoin a more diverse and inclusive environment.
We’re excited to be hosting what we expect to be the best Scaling Bitcoin yet
this year. To increase our reach and impact in the community, we’re hosting a 2
Day tutorial preceding Scaling Bitcoin called Dev++. This is a wonderful
opportunity for those just entering the space to get fast-paced high-quality
instruction on becoming a Bitcoin Engineer. Following the conference, we will
have a Career Fair and an event for startups to pitch to investors. You can
read more about these new initiatives at
BitcoinEdge.org.
Sincerely,
Jeremy Rubin
Scaling Bitcoin Planning Committee
With special thanks to Byron Gibson, Neha
Narula, and the rest of the Scaling Bitcoin Planning
Committee for reviewing and editing this letter, and for maintaining a strong
commitment to diversity and inclusion in Bitcoin.
My Right to Say "Fuck Nazis"
01 Sep 2017
When I woke up in the morning of September 1st, 2017 I immediately began my
morning ritual of lazily glancing through emails. On this morning, one
particular email stood out — the Fuck Nazis Virtual
Lapel Pin had been censored by the United States Government.
Let’s jump back a minute for some context.
On August 19th, 2017 I began a new project, the Fuck Nazis Virtual Lapel
Pin. The project’s goal was to raise funds to resist the
recent uptick in Nazism and other forms of violent racist extremism in America.
The Fuck Nazis Virtual Lapel Pin is a unique fund-raiser because donors
quid-pro-quo receive a digital asset in return for their contribution, I hoped
this would harness the excitement around the emerging “Initial Coin
Offering”
phenomenon.
The reception was not as positive as I had hoped it would be — earlier in
the week, I had been subject to some minor censorship by the Ethereum
Maintainers and Community Moderators.
On September 1st, 2017 at 2:40 AM Pacific Daylight Time Neustar initiated a
transfer of my domain. One hour and 29 minutes later Neustar sent me an email
explaining the transfer.
I’ve sent Neustar an email requesting that they reinstate my registration, but I’ve not yet heard back from them.
Neustar is a contractor hired by the U.S. Governemnt to operate the .us TLD.
Because they are managing a federally owned property, I beleive they are
obligated to follow the First Amendment with respect to registered names.
Otherwise, I do not think the FCC may legally continue to use them as a
contractor. To quote
ICANNWatch:
[W]hile a private entity like Neustar is under no intrinsic obligation to
respect the First Amendment, the fact that they did this under government
consultation, and pursuant to a government-granted charter to operate the
country code registry for the United States, raises serious issues of
Constitutionality.
It’s not a strange expectation to hold that contractors of the United States
Government must abide by constitutional provisions. For instance, private
prisons are not at liberty to exact cruel and unusual punishments. Kimberly N.
Brown delivers a thorough treatment of this in “We the People,” Constitutional
Accountability, and Outsourcing
Government.
While there are controversial cases, it is generally clear that public actors
must hold accountable private actors that they delegate their constitutional
powers to.
Notwithstanding the concern over whether it is the FCC or Neustar who is
legally culpable, we can safely assume that the FCC is bound to ensure that
Neustar respects constitutional rights in fulfilling their duties as a
government contractor, and therefore examine Neustar as a government actor.
Neustar’s management policy document can be found
here.
The relevant sections are B-78 and B-98. Neustar claims that they will review
domains which contain the “7 Words” and possibly delete them (presumably,
ensuring that they are not violating the registrant’s First Amendment rights).
Their claim is that the domain fucknazis.us violate’s
the “7 Words” policy enforced by Neustar. (This is a reference to George
Carlin’s infamous Seven Dirty
Words skit) In this case, the
presence of “fuck” in the domain is what alerted Neustar to need to review my
domain. However, in failing to waive fucknazis.us I
believe they violated my First Amendment rights.
There are three major relevant Supreme Court cases here, Cohen v. California
(1971), Miller v.
California (1973), and
FCC v. Pacifica Foundation (1978).
In Cohen v. California, a man was arrested for disturbing the peace for wearing
a “Fuck the Draft” shirt. In this case, the speech was found to be protected by
the First Amendment for multiple reasons. Most relevantly, the court refused to recognize
the speech as “Fighting Words”, or speech intended to elicit violence. This is because
Cohen’s voiced dissent of the draft was not intended to elicit any violence, it was simply
to voice an opinion. Similarly, the material published on the Fuck Nazis site was
clearly in support of non-violent action, e.g.
As a first measure, and irrespective of what is most effective, I want to use
funds raised ensure that it is possible to protest these Nazis as safely as
possible. No one should permit the Nazis to intimidate them out of their
freedom to speak against them.
along with a list of other non-violent actions I would use the funds raised to
support. The court went further to find that
Finally, and in the same vein, we cannot indulge the facile assumption that
one can forbid particular words without also running a substantial risk of
suppressing ideas in the process. Indeed, governments might soon seize upon
the censorship of particular words as a convenient guise for banning the
expression of unpopular views. We have been able, as noted above, to discern
little social benefit that might result from running the risk of opening the
door to such grave results.
This makes it clear that the censorship of Fuck Nazis Virtual Lapel Pins by revocation
of the domain fucknazis.us is unconstitutional.
Miller v. California is a case of a very different nature involving the
distribution of pornographic content, but it established a simple three-prong
test for unprotected explicit speech. If you pass all three tests, then the work
is considered obscene.
(a) whether “the average person, applying contemporary community standards”
would find that the work, taken as a whole, appeals to the prurient interest.
Fail: Fuck Nazis is clearly non-pornographic and elicits no sexual response.
(b) whether the work depicts or describes, in a patently
offensive way, sexual conduct specifically defined by the applicable state
law.
Fail: Fuck Nazis is clearly non-sexual.
(c) whether the work, taken as a whole, lacks serious literary,
artistic, political, or scientific value. If a state obscenity law is thus
limited, First Amendment values are adequately protected by ultimate
independent appellate review of constitutional claims when necessary.
Fail: Fuck Nazis is a political and artistic project, and is presented cogently.
Having clearly failed all three tests, Fuck Nazis is non-obscene protected
speech by all measures.
Critically, both Cohen v. California and Miller v. California are both rulings
with regards to the state’s ability to restrict speech. Only FCC v. Pacifica
Foundation deals with the federal government’s ability to restrict “obscene”
speech, which established the “7 Dirty Words”.
The critically relevant part of FCC v. Pacifica Foundation is that the measures
enforce by the FCC (to only broadcast during hours children are unlikely to be
awake) did not prevent adults from accessing and finding the content. In this
case, Neustar’s actions against Fuck Nazis does prevent adults from accessing
the content unadulterated (whereas the time restriction enforced by the FCC
permitted identical material to be broadcast at a reasonably later time).
Furthermore, based on Neustar’s enforced policies I would be able to register
the domain “nazis.us” (if it were available — it’s been held since 2014)
and use the subdomain “fuck” giving me the “fuck.nazis.us” domain. This makes
the case that there is zero benefit from the measure taken by Neustar, at the
expense of the significant burden of forcing me to change a domain that I have
already linked to in numerous communications. Of greater concern is the general
freedom of speech risk established by this enforcement mechanism.
Based on the above, Neustar, acting as an agent of the United States
government, plainly violated my First Amendment rights causing damages to my project
that are difficult to quantify given that the fund-raiser I was hosting on the site is
ongoing.
01 Sep 2017
The Ethereum Maintainers and Moderators inexplicably took actions to censor the
Fuck Nazis Virtual Lapel Pin.
When I posted the project to the Ethereum subreddit on August 26th
(here)
it faced an immediate barrage of negative attention from the Ethereum
community. I can tolerate negative reception, but I can’t tolerate
censorship.
One of the negative response I noticed a few days after posting was Vitalik
Buterin (the infamous founder and lead maintainer of Ethereum) liking a
libelous
tweet
which called my project “a shameless attempt at scamming people”. I typically
interpret a like on Twitter as at least a weak endorsement (the twitter-meme
“RT not endorsement” can be taken to imply that while retweeting is not
endorsement, maybe liking is).
From my perspective, Vitalik’s implicit endorsement of a libelous
message claiming that I am perpetrating fraud with Fuck Nazis is the only
shame-worthy action! From day one Fuck Nazis’ course of action has been
focused on many charitable causes, including:
- Donations to organizations like the Southern Poverty Law Center and the Anti-Defamation League.
- Sponsoring guards for synagogues who are denied publicly funded police details.
- Workshops on how to non-violently oppose Nazis in cities where they are staging demonstrations.
After Vitalik liked the above tweet, I noticed that my post was censored
from /r/ethereum by the moderators (Vitalik is
also the lead moderator of /r/ethereum). This censorship occured days after it
had been on the front page, leading me to believe it was removed for no logical
reason other than distaste for the issue involved.
I met Vitalik back in 2014, in the very early days of Ethereum, so I was
willing to give him the benefit of the doubt on the post removal. I shot him an
email on August 29th and again on the 31st but he is yet to respond.
His lack of response to me signals, but does not confirm, that it was him who
censored Fuck Nazis and he is unwilling to justify his actions to me directly.
The Ethereum Foundation and affiliated contributors have no legal requirement to grant me
free speech as a private organization.
That said, they do have a moral responsibility to protect free speech and to be
inclusive of many different kinds of people within their community. By actively
censoring my post on Fuck Nazis, they have chosen to signal their alignment
with a racist agenda and cause a chilling effect on future social impact
projects on Ethereum.
Their attempted censorship runs counter to the philosophy stated on
ethereum.org:
Ethereum is a decentralized platform that runs smart contracts: applications
that run exactly as programmed without any possibility of downtime,
censorship, fraud or third party interference.
While certainly Reddit doesn’t attempt to make the same censorship guarantees
as Ethereum, it’s difficult to imagine that if the leader of the development
team behind Ethereum is engaged in censoring causes spitefully on Reddit that
he will lead the team to fulfill the promises laid out in their statement.
Vitalik (and others in the Ethereum Foundation) must make clear their strong
intention for building inclusive and tolerant community with explicit actions
to improve the situation. Until sufficiently addressed, the entire community
must continually push leaders of the Ethereum community for more information
on how they plan to treat similar issues in the future.
This isn’t about getting an apology for censoring the Fuck Nazis thread, it’s
about not building technologies that put power into the hands of hateful
people who will use their power to infringe on your human rights.
Overall, this is the least of my worries currently: the Fuck Nazis Virtual
Lapel Pin project is currently facing ongoing censorship from the U.S.
Goverment as well. But I figured
it was worthwhile for me to write up this post so that the Ethereum community can
respond accordingly.